Politics of alliances

Politics becomes a matter of opportunism, and not principles, whenever political, or better call them electoral alliances, are formed in Pakistan. 

Recall the history of alliances, and one realises most of the alliances harmed democracy and the country. 
It all starts with the infamous Pakistan National Alliance (PNA).

A populist, right-wing band of nine parties started its struggle to block the rise of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in the 1977 elections. 
The alliance failed to dislodge PPP chairperson Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. In the ensuing chaos, the army dictator stepped in and dislodge Bhutto and cornered the PNA. 
Then came another infamous Islami Jamhoor Ittehad (IJI).

Another nine-party group, all conservatives, aimed at blocking the rise of Bhutto's daughter, Benazir Bhutto in the 1988 elections.
The alliance ended in smoke in 1993 leaving its trail in the form of Nawaz Sharif.
Came 2002, and emerged the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), which saw its rise and fall between 2002 to 2007.     

This has become a norm to form electoral alliances ahead of elections and dissolve them right after the elections. 
The ultimate causality in an alliance is political ideology. 
As elections are around the corner, Pakistani politics is returning to its true alliance form, leaving a bad taste in the mouth of political science experts.

Consider the attempts to form an alliance (or merger) of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) and the Pak Sarzameen Party (PSP) in Karachi, and the revival of the defunct MMA in Lahore.

The attempt to form MQMP-PSP alliance proved to be a dud after the presser called to announce the move became a venue for contradicting and belittling each other. Prior to the alliance formation, the PSP kept on creating cracks in the MQM-P by winning over the loyalty of its leaders, whereas the MQM-P choosing not to give importance to defections. Necessitated by external and internal factors, both hostile bedfellows sat on the dialogue table without any success. MQM-P convener Dr Farooq Sattar, later, told a crowded press conference that he had been forced to forge an alliance with the Mustafa Kamal-led party. The move created a fissure in the MQM-P; soon Dr Farooq Sattar felt it appropriate to give up both the party office and politics. Within an hour, he was again speaking to a press conference to retreat from his earlier announcements. The intensity of reaction in the MQM-M over a handshake with the revolting people, in a way, strengthened the MQM-P.

The development has exposed the role of the establishment in the Karachi politics. The patronage of certain factions to influence the politics has long been the working of the establishment. The MQM, then led by Altaf Hussain, was established by the establishment to counter the PPP in the 1980s. The party, at a later stage, followed its own script, attracting the wrath of the security agencies. The interference of the establishment, however, proved detrimental to the direction of politics, creating a Sindhi-Muhajir divide, which had been unheard of since the creation of Pakistan until 1980. The divide is to remain forever.

The other attempt to revive the defunct MMA is also not a welcome development. 
The MMA was formed before the 2002 elections, soon flying on the anti-American wave in then NWFP; the alliance emerged as the third most powerful party in the parliament after the Pakistan Muslim League and the Pakistan People’s Party. The religious party alliance made its government in the NWFP and had a share in Balochistan besides grabbing the slot of the opposition leader in the National Assembly. Though all parties of the MMA were averse to each other, the alliance ruled the province for five years leaving the footprints of radicalization and extremism in the province which impacted the results of the election 2013. The alliance died unnaturally soon after the dissolution of the 2002-2007 assemblies. These parties, not even at talking terms, have entered into talks for the MMA revival another time. The fate of the alliance is not much difficult to predict.
By the time, this blog is being written, there is news that a 23-party assembly, called Pakistan Awami Ittehad, led by Gen Pervez Musharraf, has been born to contest the 2018 elections.  

Politics is and should be for ideology, not for winning more seats in the election. Alliances should also be for the sake ideological goals, not power corridor.
There are some examples of shining alliances, as well. 
Who can forget the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy? 

The massive left-leaning band waged a non-violent struggle for civilian rule in Pakistan. 
The movement started in 1981 and ended in 1988.  

It is time for the parties to set their ideological goals straight before entering into an alliance.